【新闻摘要】
多哥版"权力的游戏"最新季：总统变总理，权力更集中！执政60年的纳辛贝家族最近玩出新花样——通过修宪让现任总统福雷·纳辛贝转任"超级总理"，既规避任期限制又大权独揽。这波操作连喀麦隆92岁总统比亚（准备第八次连任）看了都直呼内行。首都洛美街头因此爆发抗议，至少5名示威者丧生。最讽刺的是，带头反抗的不是传统反对党（早被收拾得服服帖帖），而是说唱歌手和博主。其中rapper"Aamron"拍讽刺视频后竟被关进精神病院，被迫录制"悔过视频"道歉，活脱脱一场非洲版"飞越疯人院"。当局还无视西共体规定，在新宪法通过几周后就急不可待举行选举，被媒体嘲讽为"共和君主制"。看来这出"权力变形记"唯一的bug就是——年轻人根本不买账，#福雷必须下台#的标签正在社媒疯传！
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**Furious protests at move to cement Togo ruling family's grip on power**
多哥巩固执政家族权力引发愤怒抗议
**2 hours ago Share Save Paul Melly Africa analyst Share Save**
2小时前 分享 保存 非洲问题专家保罗·梅利 分享 保存
**Reuters**
路透社
A new constitution that has allowed Togo's long-time head of state Faure Gnassingbé to shift to a new role as all-powerful prime minister – and escape the constraint of presidential term limits – has triggered anger on the streets of the capital, Lomé. Protests are set to continue this Friday. At least five demonstrators have died while confronting official security forces in recent weeks. But it is not the orthodox political opposition – predictably crushed in local elections last week – that has mobilised frustrated young Togolese people. Instead it is musicians, bloggers and activists who have tapped into popular anger and weariness with a regime that has been in power – under the leadership of Faure Gnassingbé or, before him – his father Gnassingbé Éyadéma, for almost six decades. That outstrips even Cameroon's 92-year old President Paul Biya - who has just confirmed his intention to stand for an eighth successive term in elections later this year – or Gabon's father-and-son presidents, Omar Bongo and Ali Bongo, latter of whom was deposed in a coup in August 2023.
新宪法允许多哥长期国家元首福雷·纳辛贝转任全权总理职位，从而规避总统任期限制，这引发了首都洛美街头的愤怒。抗议活动将于本周五持续。最近几周至少有五名示威者在与官方安全部队对抗中丧生。但动员沮丧的多哥年轻人的并非传统政治反对派（他们在上周地方选举中如预期般被击溃），而是音乐人、博主和活动人士，他们利用了民众对执政近60年的政权（先后由福雷·纳辛贝及其父亲纳辛贝·埃亚德马领导）的愤怒和厌倦。这甚至超过了喀麦隆92岁总统保罗·比亚（他刚确认将在今年晚些时候选举中竞选第八个连续任期）或加蓬的父子总统奥马尔·邦戈和阿里·邦戈（后者在2023年8月政变中被推翻）的执政时长。
**The lessons of that episode did not escape Faure Gnassingbé, a shrewd and often discreet operator who quickly moved to devise a new constitutional structure for Togo, to prolong his own hold on power while playing down his personal profile, in a bid to defuse accusations of dynastic rule. He will no longer need to stand for re-election in his own name. The 59-year-old holds the premiership because his Union pour la République (Unir) party dominates the national assembly - and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future, thanks to a constituency map gerrymandered to over-represent its northern heartlands and understate the voting weight of the pro-opposition coastal south. Gilbert Bawara, Togo's civil service and labour minister, maintains the 2024 election was above board, with"all the major political actors and parties" taking part."The government cannot be held responsible for the weakness of the opposition," Bawara told BBC Focus on Africa TV last week. He added that those with a genuine reason to demonstrate could do so within the law, blaming activists abroad for inciting"young people to attack security forces" in an attempt to destabilise the country. The new constitutional framework was announced at short notice in early 2024 and quickly approved by the compliant government-dominated national assembly. There was no attempt to secure general public approval through a referendum. A one-year transition concluded this May as Gnassingbé – who had been head of state since 2005 – gave up the presidency and was installed in the premiership, a post now strengthened to hold all executive power and total authority over the armed forces. To occupy the presidency, a role now reduced to a purely ceremonial function, legislators chose the 86-year old former business minister, Jean-Lucien Savi de Tové.**
这一事件的教训没有逃过福雷·纳辛贝的眼睛，这位精明且通常谨慎的操作者迅速行动，为多哥设计新的宪法结构，以延长自己的权力掌控，同时淡化个人形象，试图化解王朝统治的指责。他将不再需要以自己的名义竞选连任。59岁的他担任总理职位是因为他的共和联盟党（Unir）主导国民议会——并且由于选区划分不公（过度代表其北方核心地区而低估亲反对派的南方沿海地区的投票权重），在可预见的未来将继续如此。多哥公务员和劳工部长吉尔伯特·巴瓦拉坚称2024年选举是光明正大的，"所有主要政治行动者和政党"都参与了。"政府不能为反对派的弱势负责，"巴瓦拉上周告诉BBC非洲焦点电视台。他补充说，那些有正当理由示威的人可以依法进行，并指责海外活动人士煽动"年轻人攻击安全部队"以破坏国家稳定。新宪法框架在2024年初突然宣布，并迅速由顺从的、政府主导的国民议会批准。没有尝试通过全民公投获得公众普遍认可。一年的过渡期于今年5月结束，自2005年以来担任国家元首的纳辛贝放弃总统职位，就任总理，这一职位现在被加强，拥有所有行政权力和对武装部队的完全权威。为了担任现在被削弱为纯礼仪职能的总统职位，立法者选择了86岁的前商业部长让-吕西安·萨维·德托韦。
**Anadolu/Getty Images Togo is one of the poorest countries in the world and has been governed by the Gnassingbé family for almost 60 years**
阿纳多卢/Getty Images 多哥是世界上最贫穷的国家之一，由纳辛贝家族统治近60年
**This reshuffling of the power structure was presented abroad by regime mouthpieces as moving from a strong presidential system to a supposedly more democratic"parliamentary" model – in tune with the traditions of the Commonwealth, which Togo, like Gabon, had joined in 2022, to broaden its international connections and reduce reliance on traditional francophone links with France, the former colonial ruler. The transition to new constitutional arrangements designed to perpetuate Gnassingbé's rule passed off almost without outside comment from international partners whose attention is currently focussed on Gaza and Ukraine rather than Africa. Nor was there any complaint from fellow leaders in the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), even after Togo held fresh legislative elections just weeks after the new constitution had been promulgated, in flagrant breach of the regional bloc's protocol on good governance and democracy, which says that after a change of constitution at least six months must elapse before any major election is held. Badly shaken by the decision of three military-run countries - Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger - to quit Ecowas, remaining member governments are reluctant to challenge the behaviour of others in case they follow suit. But on the streets of Lomé it has been a different matter. The rapper and regime critic Essowe Tchalla, known by his stage name"Aamron", released a satirical video calling for the"celebration" of Gnassingbé's 6 June birthday. When he was arbitrarily snatched from his home at the end of May by regime security agents and taken to an unknown location, anger surged among young urban Togolese.**
政权喉舌在国外将这种权力结构调整描述为从强总统制转向据称更民主的"议会"模式——符合英联邦传统（多哥和加蓬一样于2022年加入英联邦，以扩大国际联系并减少对与前殖民统治者法国的传统法语联系的依赖）。旨在延续纳辛贝统治的新宪法安排的过渡几乎没有引起国际伙伴的外部评论，他们目前的注意力集中在加沙和乌克兰而非非洲。西非国家经济共同体（Ecowas）的同行领导人也未提出任何投诉，尽管多哥在新宪法颁布仅几周后就举行了新的立法选举，公然违反该区域集团关于良政和民主的议定书（规定宪法变更后至少六个月才能举行重大选举）。由于三个军政府国家（布基纳法索、马里和尼日尔）决定退出西共体而严重动摇，剩余成员国政府不愿挑战其他国家的行为以防他们效仿。但在洛美街头情况则不同。说唱歌手和政权批评者埃索韦·查拉，艺名"Aamron"，发布了一段讽刺视频，呼吁"庆祝"纳辛贝6月6日的生日。当他五月底被政权安全人员从家中强行带走并带到未知地点时，多哥城市年轻人的愤怒激增。
**@aamronblack on TikTok Protests followed the arrest in May of rapper Aamron, a vocal critic of the new constitution and Faure Gnassingbé**
@aamronblack在TikTok上 五月说唱歌手Aamron被捕后引发抗议，他是新宪法和福雷·纳辛贝的直言不讳的批评者
**Hundreds protested on the streets of the capital on 5 and 6 June and scores were detained by government forces. The affair took a particularly sinister twist with the discovery that Aamron had been confined to a mental hospital, a measure more reminiscent of the 1970s Soviet Union than West Africa in 2025 – and the subsequent release of a hostage video –style statement in which he was filmed admitting to psychological problems and apologising to Faure Gnassingbé, remarks he has completely disowned after being released without charge. Meanwhile, late June brought a further wave of street protests, with the security forces confronting youths who had set up burning barricades. Human rights groups reported widespread random detentions, often of uninvolved passers by, while informal pro-government militia, often armed, roamed the streets in pick-up trucks. At least five people were killed and two bodies were found in the lagoons north of central Lomé, though whether they had drowned while fleeing arrest or been deliberately killed was unclear. But it is cultural figures like Aamron – and Honoré Sitsopé Sokpor, a poet known by his alias"Affectio" and jailed in January – who have inspired this latest upsurge in protests. They connect to young popular opinion in a way that conventional politicians cannot. Indeed, much of the Togolese public appears to have lost faith in the formal political process. Although the local elections on 17 July passed off quietly, with Unir predictably dominant according to official results, Jean-Pierre Fabre, a leading opposition figure, said there were no other voters in his local polling station when he went to cast his ballot. Critics see the new constitution as no more than a device to perpetuate the rule of the Gnassingbé dynasty – a regime variously described by West African regional media as a"republican monarchy" and"legalist authoritarianism".**
6月5日和6日，数百人在首都街头抗议，数十人被政府部队拘留。事件出现了特别险恶的转折，人们发现Aamron被关在精神病院，这一措施更像是1970年代的苏联而非2025年的西非——随后发布了一段人质视频风格的声明，他在视频中承认心理问题并向福雷·纳辛贝道歉，这些言论在他被无罪释放后完全否认。与此同时，六月底又爆发了一波街头抗议，安全部队与设置燃烧路障的年轻人对峙。人权组织报告了广泛的随机拘留，通常涉及无关的路人，而非正式的支持政府民兵（通常携带武器）乘坐皮卡车在街头巡逻。至少五人死亡，两具尸体在洛美市中心以北的泻湖中被发现，尽管不清楚他们是逃跑时溺水还是被故意杀害。但正是像Aamron这样的文化人物——以及化名"Affectio"、一月被监禁的诗人奥诺雷·西索佩·索克波尔——激发了这次最新的抗议浪潮。他们以传统政治家无法做到的方式与年轻大众舆论联系起来。事实上，许多多哥公众似乎已经对正式政治进程失去信心。尽管7月17日的地方选举平静进行，根据官方结果共和联盟党如预期般占主导地位，但主要反对派人物让-皮埃尔·法布尔表示，他去投票时当地投票站没有其他选民。批评者认为新宪法不过是延续纳辛贝王朝统治的工具——被西非地区媒体称为"共和君主制"和"法制威权主义"的政权。
**AFP/Getty Images Togo held parliamentary elections in April 2024 just after the new constitution had been adopted in breach of Ecowas's protocol on good governance**
法新社/Getty Images 多哥在2024年4月新宪法通过后立即举行议会选举，违反了西共体关于良政的议定书
**A leading Togolese human rights activist says popular frustration has reached unprecedented levels. There have been previous upsurges of mass protest. In 2017 the churches supported marches demanding reform while a charismatic new opposition figure, Tikpi Atchadam, mobilised young people across the previously regime-dominated centre-north. In the 2020 presidential election, the regime was taken aback by the strong performance of opposition challenger Agbeyomé Kodjo, who was openly backed by the much respected 89-year old former Archbishop of Lomé, Philippe Kpodzro. Although both men have since died, the political movement inspired by the late cleric remains highly active and is regularly targeted by the authorities. Now, once again, we are seeing frustration boil over, particularly among young urban Togolese. With his constitutional revamp to a supposedly"parliamentary" system, Gnassingbé aims to retain full control, yet step his own personality back from the political firing line. But that particular manoeuvre looks condemned to failure in the face of challenge from creative leaders of popular culture – bloggers, singers and grassroots activists. On social media the hashtag #FaureMustGo is now circulating. And recent weeks have seen the launch of a new campaign for change, known as M66, which stands for"6 June Movement" from the date of Gnassingbé's birthday. Paul Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London.**
一位主要的多哥人权活动人士表示，民众的沮丧已达到前所未有的水平。之前也有过大规模抗议的高潮。2017年，教会支持要求改革的游行，而富有魅力的新反对派人物蒂克皮·阿查达姆动员了年轻人，跨越了之前政权主导的中北部地区。在2020年总统选举中，政权对反对派挑战者阿格贝约梅·科乔的强劲表现感到惊讶，他得到了备受尊敬的89岁前洛美大主教菲利普·克波德佐罗的公开支持。尽管两人都已去世，但由已故神职人员启发的政治运动仍然非常活跃，并经常成为当局的目标。现在，我们再次看到沮丧情绪爆发，尤其是在多哥城市年轻人中。通过宪法改革为所谓的"议会"制度，纳辛贝旨在保留完全控制，同时让自己的人格退出政治火线。但面对流行文化创意领袖——博主、歌手和基层活动人士的挑战，这一特别策略看起来注定失败。社交媒体上，#福雷必须下台#的标签正在流传。最近几周，一个新的变革运动M66（意为"6月6日运动"，取自纳辛贝的生日）已经启动。保罗·梅利是伦敦查塔姆研究所非洲项目的咨询研究员。
